New Zealand’s 2026 election is increasingly looking less like a contest between National and Labour, and more like a redistribution of voters away from the traditional major parties.

For decades, most New Zealand elections have been framed around one central question: National or Labour?
That assumption is becoming less reliable.
The research reviewed by FIXNZ shows that Labour and National together accounted for only 59% of party support in the August 1News–Verian poll — an exceptionally low combined share in the MMP era. National stood at 29%, Labour at 30%, while ACT reached 9% and the Opportunity Party surged to 8%.
The trend matters more than any single poll.
In the same 1News–Verian series, Opportunity rose from 3% in April, to 4.6% in June, and then to 8% in August. ACT moved from 7% in April and 6% in June to 9% in August.
A separate poll released on 7 September reinforces part of this pattern. National was again at 29%, Labour fell to 25.9%, while ACT climbed to 10.5%. Opportunity was more volatile, falling to 4.5% in that particular poll — an important reminder that its support is not yet firmly established.
The direction, however, is difficult to ignore:
more voters are willing to look beyond the two traditional major parties.
National faces a particular vulnerability
National won 38% of the party vote in 2023.
Polling around 29% represents a very different political position.
This does not automatically mean every missing National voter has moved to ACT or Opportunity. Some will be undecided, some may have shifted to NZ First, Labour or other parties, and some may ultimately return before election day.
But there are reasons to believe ACT is particularly well placed to capture dissatisfied centre-right and National-leaning voters.
Recent political analysis following the August 1News–Verian poll specifically identified ACT as benefiting from National’s stalled support and NZ First’s decline. ACT reached 9% in that poll, while its leadership has increasingly presented the party as a more disciplined policy alternative inside the existing centre-right bloc.
For a voter who supported National because they wanted smaller government, stronger economic reform, regulatory change or fiscal discipline — but believes National has moved too slowly — ACT offers a relatively easy switch.
The voter does not necessarily have to change political direction.
They can simply move further along the same side of the political spectrum.
Opportunity is attracting a different kind of dissatisfied voter
Opportunity presents a more unusual challenge to the traditional parties.
Its appeal is not simply “more left” or “more right”.
The party has increasingly occupied a gap around:
- tax-system reform;
- land and housing distortions;
- long-term infrastructure;
- institutional reform;
- productivity;
- independent long-term decision-making.
Our broader policy comparison found that Opportunity is unusual among the smaller parties because many of its flagship proposals are aimed at changing the structure through which government makes decisions, rather than simply offering another spending programme or tax cut.
That could make it attractive to voters who are not necessarily ideological defectors.
They may simply have concluded:
“I voted for one of the major parties before, but the system still does not seem to change.”
That is a potentially important constituency.
Opportunity’s rise from around 3% to 8% in the 1News–Verian series also weakened one of the biggest barriers facing smaller parties: the fear of a “wasted vote” below the 5% threshold. The research notes that Opportunity has spent years trying to overcome precisely this problem.
Once voters believe a smaller party can actually enter Parliament, voting for it becomes psychologically much easier.
The two parties are competing for dissatisfaction — but not necessarily the same dissatisfaction
ACT and Opportunity should not be treated as politically identical.
They are not.
ACT is more naturally positioned to capture voters who believe National has been too cautious in reducing regulation, restructuring government or pursuing market-oriented reform.
Opportunity may appeal more strongly to voters who believe the traditional left-right debate itself has failed to address housing, land taxation, infrastructure financing, productivity and long-term institutional design.
There is therefore an important possibility heading into November:
National may lose some dissatisfied voters to its right, while simultaneously losing reform-minded voters who no longer believe the existing centre-right model is sufficient.
ACT can offer the first group a harder version of reform.
Opportunity can offer the second group a different framework altogether.

This is bigger than National
Labour faces the same structural problem.
In June, Labour and National together fell to just 61% in the 1News–Verian poll, which 1News described as their lowest combined support since the first MMP election in 1996. By August, their combined share had fallen to 59%.
That suggests the deeper story of 2026 may not simply be dissatisfaction with one leader or one government.
It may be fragmentation of the traditional two-party political market.
MMP makes that fragmentation politically meaningful.
A voter can reject National without voting Labour.
A voter can reject Labour without voting National.
And once smaller parties establish credible support above or near 5%, the cost of making that choice falls dramatically.
The Opportunity risk
There is one major qualification.
Opportunity’s support remains much less stable than ACT’s.
The August 1News–Verian poll put it at 8%, but the latest Taxpayers’ Union–Curia poll placed it at 4.5%, below the parliamentary threshold.
That makes Opportunity simultaneously one of the most interesting and one of the most fragile forces in the election.
If it consistently polls above 5%, it could attract even more voters who previously feared wasting their party vote.
If it repeatedly falls below 5%, the opposite feedback loop could develop.
ACT does not face that problem to the same degree because it is already an established parliamentary party.
FIXNZ assessment
Our assessment is therefore not that National voters are inevitably abandoning National for ACT and Opportunity.
The evidence does not justify such certainty.
Our judgement is narrower:
The conditions now exist for both parties to gain substantial support from voters dissatisfied with the traditional major parties — with National particularly exposed.
ACT has the clearer path among established centre-right voters.
Opportunity has the greater potential among voters seeking structural reform outside the conventional National–Labour divide.
The important political question may therefore no longer be:
“Will National beat Labour?”
It may increasingly be:
“How much of the electorate still believes National and Labour are the only serious choices?”
That change could matter more to the shape of the next Parliament than a one- or two-point movement between the two major parties.

FIXNZ position
FIXNZ remains an independent, non-partisan, evidence-led civic research platform.
This analysis is not an endorsement of ACT, Opportunity, National, Labour or any other political party. The purpose is to examine changing voter incentives, policy positioning and the likely consequences for New Zealand’s MMP political system.

